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  1. kgk xdd must be very tired. after pew pew once, hand cannot control and press enter twice. really is jin kelian, such a young age pew pew once become so weak even after 2 hrs nap.
    4 points
  2. we r all waiting to read shin min abt a meyer rd kgk xdd being found in comatose ard pomo area or in a meyer rd house. but when we see u pcw here, we know today shin min will not have any kgk xdd comatose news.
    3 points
  3. The essence is the smelliness...u will see kgk and tomy become submissive kgks wahahaha
    3 points
  4. Android go Settings->Google Settings you see red color Covid tracking setting ios - only v 13 on settings->Privacy->health cheers big bro us watching you
    2 points
  5. 2 points
  6. yeah, this "fake hawker" is bky... nobody goes there to eat. rather go whampoa jiak mee hoon kueh
    2 points
  7. 1st Lisamarie Tse Second place Celina Harto. Third place Rosita Kwok.
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  9. in b4 mark 24 The production model Mark 24 nuclear bomb was 61.4 by 296 inches (1.56 by 7.52 m) long, with a weight between 41,000 and 42,000 pounds (18,600 and 19,100 kg). It was in service between 1954 and 1956, with a total of 105 units produced. The Mark 24 included a 64-foot-diameter (20 m) parachute to slow its descent.
    2 points
  10. THW char siew bao is JHJ Siti Ling More??
    2 points
  11. AMDK XDD jin satki to trick AMDL lifeguard kym @meng.huat @Homelander
    2 points
  12. 2 points
  13. means what? u like foot worship? imagine kgk and tomy both kneel before u n zhut zhut your toes...aaahhh aaahh
    2 points
  14. Two luxury Beijing flats where Hong Kong actor Jackie Chan and his family have lived for the last decade are up for auction, reportedly amid a dispute over ownership. Mainland Chinese media reported on Friday that the two properties in downtown Dongcheng district were on the auction block as a combined lot, with a starting price of 71.9 million yuan (US$10.5 million). Qingliu Studio, a news outlet under Chinese internet giant NetEase, identified the properties as those in a listing on an auction website and said the family had lived there since 2007. The listing said the flats had a combined area of 1,217 square metres, six bedrooms, three living areas and a market value of 100 million yuan (US$14.6 million). The flats are listed at Dongzhimen Inner Street, in a residential compound within Beijing's second ring road. According to the property site, the sale will begin on September 28 and more than 600 users had signed up as of Sunday afternoon. Qingliu Studio reported that property developer Beijing Yujia Real Estate sold the flats to Chan in late 2007 for around 33.6 million yuan (US$4.9 million), with part of the funding covered by fees Chan had received for his promotional work with Yujia Real Estate. But according to the report, while Chan and his family had lived there for more than a decade, the developer did not officially file to transfer the property rights to the actor. Another Beijing property developer, Tenhong Real Estate Group, later filed for arbitration against Yujia Real Estate over a debt dispute, according to the report. The court ordered the seizure of assets, including the two homes that Chan had bought, it said. Chan is well known overseas as an actor and singer and is popular in mainland China but has drawn criticism in Hong Kong over his political views. According to mainland media reports, the home in Beijing was previously at the centre of media attention when police caught his son, Jaycee Chan, there in possession of marijuana. In August 2014, Jaycee Chan - better known as Jaycee Fong Cho-ming - was arrested along with Taiwanese actor Ko Chen-tung for drug offences, in one of the highest-profile cases under one of China's largest drug crackdowns in decades. Jaycee Chan was jailed for six months for use of marijuana and for "sheltering others to abuse drugs", while Ko - also known as Ko Kai - served 14 days in administrative detention. Chan's representatives and the property developers did not immediately respond to requests for comment on Sunday. This article originally appeared on the South China Morning Post (www.scmp.com)
    1 point
  15. Balestier oso my turf n Ms Moonface's werk place is juz behind Dis place jin kg n bky, so many stalls up lolli liao Non kg place, walk 5 min to Whampoa hocker rah
    1 point
  16. Got charge for underage sex? His sian xmm skill quite power Volunteering for animal shelter NAO!!!
    1 point
  17. Jin heartwarming to see my loyal kgk bitches @socrates469bc @xsianx yearning to hear from me alwiz wahaha
    1 point
  18. Wonder if she farted once in relax mode
    1 point
  19. @ManOfTheHour your favr chiobu korean actress
    1 point
  20. how was ur 2hr nap at atb gf???? atb gf must be damn happy to have extra sgd100 for doing nothing for the past 2 hrs. wahahahhaha
    1 point
  21. Second looks good. so what is your pick @The_King @socrates469bc @ManOfTheHour Etc
    1 point
  22. I always feel sad for Thailand where good and clever people have to leave their important position either by force or by choice. https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Comment/Thailand-s-economic-wizard-throws-in-the-towel?utm_campaign=RN Subscriber newsletter&utm_medium=daily newsletter&utm_source=NAR Newsletter&utm_content=article link&del_type=1&pub_date=20200831123000&seq_num=10&si=44594 Thailand's economic wizard throws in the towel Former deputy PM Somkid falls victim to ruling-party infighting Thailand's former Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak in Bangkok on June 14, 2017. © Reuters TORU TAKAHASHI, Editor-in-Chief, Editorial Headquarters for AsiaAugust 30, 2020 12:00 JST BANGKOK -- Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, facing criticism against his draconian rule, replaced six economy-related ministers on Aug. 12 in a bid to jump-start the county's pandemic-battered economy. The prime minister replaced members from the academic sector with former business executives. Newly appointed finance minister Predee Daochai is a former president of Kasikornbank and energy minister Supattanapong Punmeechaow was formerly chief of PTT Global Chemical, the largest petrochemical company in Thailand. Three ministers -- all academics-turned-politicians -- stepped down on July 16, about a month before the cabinet reshuffle: Finance minister Uttama Savanayana, energy minister Sontirat Sontijirawong and Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, who led the economic policy team. Though Supattanapong doubles as deputy prime minister, Prayuth ultimately controls Thailand's economic destiny. But the country's gross domestic product plunged 12% on year in the April-June quarter, with no assured plans for recovery. Some voice concern about ex-military man Prayuth to steer the economy, underscoring the void left by the departure of Somkid, who long served as the person in charge of economic policy. In June, when rumors of a cabinet reshuffle surfaced, Somkid was confident of retaining his positions. "If the present team cannot get the job done, they should not stay on," he said. "If [the] new team has no ideas about how to do it, or cannot do it, then don't come." Partly due to infighting within the ruling party, however, pressure on Somkid gradually mounted. In early July, he said wearily, "I have been prepared for a long time. I am old now. I already lost [my] heart years ago." Six days later, he stepped down as deputy prime minister. Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha is an ex-military man with little experience in steering an economy, making Somkid's departure all the more serious. © Reuters Somkid did not appear at a news conference to announce his resignation. Instead, he had his right-hand man Uttama tell the media that he was resigning for health reasons. For a heavyweight in Thai politics -- Somkid served as deputy prime minister for two five-year stints -- it was a weak farewell announcement. How has Somkid affected Thai politics and the country's economy? Following his education at Thailand's prestigious Thammasat University and the National Institute of Development Administration, he earned a doctorate from Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University in the U.S. There, he studied under Philip Kotler, known as the father of modern marketing, co-writing with his mentor "Marketing of Nations," a book that explores marketing strategies to increase a nation's competitiveness. Dissatisfied with only constructing theory, the ambitious Somkid wanted to put it to practice. In a Nikkei article titled "My personal history," Kotler named Somkid as one of his better students. The American also recounted when Somkid, who was teaching at his Thai alma mater in the 1990s, asked his mentor advice about staying in the academic sphere or entering politics. Kotler encouraged him to try his hand at politics. At the time, Somkid had been invited by former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to enter the political arena. When Thaksin set up the Thai Rak Thai Party in 1998, Somkid joined. His high stature in the TRT came to light when he was ranked third on the party's list of candidates for the 2001 general election. After the TRT swept to victory, Somkid was tasked with formulating economic policy as deputy prime minister-cum-finance minister. Somkid, left, who supported former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra for years, was the principal architect of the country's economic policies. © Reuters Somkid put his marketing genius to work creating village funds, an investment and lending program for more than 70,000 villages. The one village-one product scheme, modeled from Japan's Oita Prefecture, encouraged each village to promote one local product. He also promoted exports of automobiles and foods through two campaigns aptly labeled "Detroit of Asia" and "Kitchen of the World." A series of Thaksinomics measures at the time were not necessarily Somkid's. According to a diplomat in Thailand then: "His true value [was] his outstanding ability as an organizer, who combines a variety of ideas, theorizes them then translates them into a policy. His political fortunes began to rise to the point where he was regarded as a serious candidate for prime minister. This became moot, however, when a coup d'etat dethroned Thaksin in September 2006. Deciding to work for the military junta, Somkid became an economic envoy, a move that infuriated the anti-Thaksin camp, which forced him to resign from the post in a week. Unsurprisingly, he was also labeled by the pro-Thaksin group as a traitor to the party. In those tumultuous days, Somkid mulled forming his own party. When the TRT was disbanded in May 2007 on charges of election irregularities, Somkid had his citizenship suspended for five years, after which he disappeared from the political spotlight. Somkid returned after another coup in 2014 that again toppled a Thaksin government. He was appointed by the junta as an adviser, then as deputy prime minister in August 2015. It was the first time in nine years that he was in the deputy prime minister's seat, where he again oversaw the Thai economy. "Somkid told me to tell him any problem I have, as he always respects the opinions of Japanese companies," said Soji Sakai, executive officer and general manager of the Chubu branch of trading house Marubeni. "I sometimes visited him to petition the Thai government. He quickly and appropriately dealt with our petitions. He was not a man of words, but really a man of action," Sakai noted. Sakai, who met Somkid as the president of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in Bangkok, believed that Somkid was always thinking about the interest of his country. Somkid devised brilliant strategies during his second deputy premiership from 2015, including Thailand 4.0, an initiative to upgrade the industrial sector and push the country into the ranks of developed countries. He was also one of the architects of the Eastern Economic Corridor, a project to transform coastal industrial areas into sophisticated industrial hubs. Compared with his previous deputy premiership, when annual GDP growth was roughly 4% to 7%, growth at this time was in the 3% to 4% range, even before the pandemic, exposing Somkid as not quite the economic whiz as he had been under Thaksin. "If Somkid wanted to use his expertise for the nation, he couldn't help but give up on the old boss and work for the junta," said a former bureaucrat who worked with Somkid in the Thaksin government. He added: "Thaksin was a businessman with a deep understanding of economic policy, and lent his full support to Somkid's strategy. Prayuth, however, is a military man. The stage for Somkid to exercise his full abilities was so different." The ongoing student-led demonstrations in Thailand are not a war of ideologies like in the past between pro- and anti-Thaksin groups. Instead, they seem to represent a clash of generations. Somkid's resignation symbolizes the end of an era. The day he left the government on July 16 marked the first anniversary of the Prayuth government. Somkid was surely successful to choose the day to show that he is the victim of a power struggle within the ruling party. He abandoned his responsibility as a top economic minister in the midst of the coronavirus crisis knowing that his action creates a void in the country's economic strategy. This behavior, uncharacteristic of an academic, may imply that he guards an ambition to one day return to politics.
    1 point
  23. their staff are mostly foreigners... the union, e2i and NTUC will help them?
    1 point
  24. Looks like there is a way out but pap does not want to even after all the unhappiness expressed in the GE. No wonder they sweetened ps with a huge pay!
    1 point
  25. 1st time cum here jiak Ani kgk noe which branch?
    1 point
  26. https://www.khaosodenglish.com/opinion/2020/08/30/opinion-the-irony-of-a-facebook-group-critical-of-the-monarchy/ OPINION: THE IRONY OF A FACEBOOK GROUP CRITICAL OF THE MONARCHY By Pravit Rojanaphruk, Senior Staff Writer -August 30, 2020 8:00 am A screencap of ABC's interview with Pavin Chachavalpongpun That the Thai government’s initiative to pressure Facebook to geo-block aFacebook group critical of the monarchy in Thailand has backfired big time is for all to see. Less than a week after the Thai government of Gen Prayut Chan-ocha ‘successfully’ threatened Facebook to block access to “Royalist Marketplace” in Thailand on Monday night or face a legal battle, Facebook caved in. A new marketplace was created and attracted members even faster than the last one. It was nothing short of a full-blown Streisand effect. The Thai government’s attempts to regain cyber sovereignty have utterly failed, even though the Digital Ministry deputy permanent secretary said last week that the group shared false information deemed a threat to national security. The situation is worse now with the world watching and organizations like Human Rights Watch decrying violations of people’s right to free speech. The man behind the group with a million members is Thai academic Pavin Chachavalpongpun who lives in Kyoto. He ends up being sought out for interviews from media around the globe over the past days, from The New York Times to Berlin’s leftist Taz newspaper and even a Singaporean TV station. It helps promote a new marketplace as yet to be geo-blocked as of press time in Bangkok. The icing on the cake was probably an invitation for him to speak at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan. He does not face any real threat of extradition to Thailand, regardless of what the Thai government may claim. As of press time, the newly created political ‘marketplace’ is less than a week old, but it has already gained nearly 900,000 members. One cartoon compared Pavin to the new Moses, leading the monarchy critics in an exodus to the new Promised Land. On Wednesday, I was alerted to a pending invitation by a member of the new marketplace to join. I posted on Facebook and Twitter asking for the views of my friends and followers whether I should accept the invitation and join. The answer was an overwhelming ‘yes’ and ‘what are you waiting for!’. So I did. Then I tried posting this message: “May I remind that everyone should try to use factual information as much as possible. And not accuse anyone without substantiation, so the the new Royalist Marketplace would not end up being assumed by Facebook to be like what the Thai government’s accused it of. And so it could be a centre for learning.” The post never appears on the new ‘marketplace’. It tells me that the group is Pavin’s fiefdom, after all. This is not a real marketplace of ideologies where people argue and communicate freely, it’s merely Pavin’s virtual ideological dominion. As admin of the group, Pavin decides what he likes to appear or not appear on the market place. The group might be more aptly described as Pavin’s Ideological Marketplace and not a true marketplace of exchanges of ideas and views. In the end, after days, that simple gentle reminder was not ‘approved’ by Pavin to appear on the new marketplace. He basically blocked the post. No, he didn’t block. Pavin, while crying foul for violations of freedom of his group’s speech instigated by the Thai government, simply decided my message was not fit for print. Probably he found it potentially sobering, or even demoralizing as the place is pretty much a free-wheeling venue of frenzies for anyone wanting to not just criticize but trash the monarchy, even when there’s little or no substantiated evidence. Hey, I get it, it’s free speech! But free speech not for all? At least not in Pavin’s royal marketplace realm. Even in the old realm which is now geo-blocked by Facebook, Pavin had earlier declared some intruding members from the other side of the political camp as persona non grata and deported a few from memberships, thus they won’t be able to even type comments following numerous Pavin-approved status made by others. (I am strangely reminded of ultra-royalist Thais who say if you don’t love the king, then leave the kingdom!) While acknowledging the invaluable importance of the ‘marketplace’ in opening up critical debate about the monarchy, it’s also disturbingly similar to the Thai semi-military government desire to be able to control what contents can appear in Thailand and what must not. That’s why they pressured and threatened to take legal actions against Facebook to begin with. And this led to the geo-blocking of the Pavin’s original marketplace. Thank Buddha that the best Pavin can do is to kick me out of being a new member of the new marketplace and I can still see most of the posts as a spectator. No lese majeste law protecting Pavin though. The supreme Facebook group administrator still tolerates me as a member, and thus spectator of his influential group as of press time. Ironic isn’t it. A man who is fighting for greater freedom for Thais to exercise online freedom of expression is also a rather active gatekeeper, keeping away what he doesn’t see fit to be published online in his marketplace from appearing. Pavin simply can’t bear anything that’s off message on his virtual realm. There he rules supreme, absolute, not answerable to anyone as the Facebook group’s administrator except to Facebook itself. Long may Pavin rule and reign his new royal marketplace with populations, oops members, the size bigger than some Pacific island nations. Under his dominion with foresight and righteousness, he shall bestow us with what we should read. I’d end this column by being fair to Pavin and conceding that the ‘marketplace’ also offers a place for Thais to scrutinise and criticise the monarchy and more in an environment where Thai mainstream mass media self-censored itself on anything mildly critical of the institution. In this regard, it serves as an invaluable virtual space for much-needed expressions. And credit goes to Pavin with the reservations I am pointing out about in this column.
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  27. Yet not malu to post disgusting stuff online 🙄
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  28. I miss the old Singapore
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  29. http://www.funnies.live/watch/322395
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  30. Is the staff stupid or what?
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  31. Paynow or paylah for non credit card... Grab or fav for others tat allow
    1 point
  32. Ya basically it's too late liao... + Signed deal wanna back off sure hab 2 pay n pay... Only hope is stop the powers from signing such a deal tat will kill off common folks
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  33. Did I mention that is not CGI?
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  34. https://www.smh.com.au/national/the-miseducation-of-king-rama-x-20200824-p55otc.html The miseducation of King Rama X By Michael Ruffles August 30, 2020 Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn in 2018. He spent six years as a young crown prince in Australia, studying first at the King’s School in Parramatta before four years at the Royal Military College Duntroon and time with a regiment in Perth.Credit:AP When Qantas flight 736 touched down in Sydney just before 8am on Saturday, September 5, 1970, a shy young man was on board. He was carefully guarded, with a king’s most trusted aide on the flight plus a security detail, and his best friend along for the ride. No visa or entry permit was needed as the only son of Thailand’s king was waved through immigration; a diplomatic passport was packed in case it came in handy. After being greeted at the airport by a group of Thai students, the 18-year-old was escorted to the Wentworth Hotel to get down to the business at hand. Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn Mahidol had to get ready for school. Nearly 50 years later he is King Rama X, a controversial figure who has been the subject of the strongest protests against Thailand's throne in decades, arguably since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932. In nearly four years since his father’s death, Vajiralongkorn has shown himself to be much more overtly interventionist in politics, consolidated army units under his direct command and converted a sovereign wealth fund into a personal fortune. Vajiralongkorn spent six years in Australia, studying first at the King’s School in Parramatta before four years at the Royal Military College, Duntroon and time with the Special Air Service Regiment in Perth. The National Archives of Australia has 490 pages of declassified cables and memos from that time, detailing how diplomats and bureaucrats concerned themselves with military drills, pocket money and more. While Vajiralongkorn’s school results have been expunged and other material redacted on the grounds it could harm international relations, the archives reveal the government was worried about everything from rumours of an assassination attempt and political turmoil in Thailand to his older sister’s love life. Looming over all was King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the young man's father. Unhappy in its own way The file begins in December 1968, when ambassador David McNicol dropped off a prospectus for Duntroon at the palace. Bhumibol was hoping military school would make a man of his son, but feared a great power might manipulate the prince for its political ends. It would be helpful too because the armed forces would be the “dominant ruling group for a long time to come”, as an aide said to the ambassador, in a country where “the mass of people were not ready for democracy”. “The king and queen informed the Australian ambassador in Bangkok that the Crown Prince was [redacted] proud and nationalistic; nevertheless he had his good points,” reads one Department of External Affairs memo from mid-1970. Thailand's Crown Prince talks briefly with a welcoming group of Thai students on his arrival at Sydney Airport in September 1970. Credit:Antony Matheus Thomas Critchley, Canberra’s man in Bangkok from 1969 to 1973, was most often in the middle, typically dealing with the king’s principal private secretary or Bhumibol directly. Critchley also had to break bad news: entry to Duntroon required graduating high school, and Vajiralongkorn's results from study in England were not good enough. The King’s School in Parramatta, with the country’s oldest cadet corps, was an obvious choice. A minor Thai royal, Panadda Diskul, was already a student there, although the palace was keen to keep them in separate houses. (The son of a diplomat, Panadda was a career bureaucrat until drafted into the cabinet after a coup in 2014.) On Vajiralongkorn’s arrival in Sydney, officials quickly concluded the prince had no chance of matriculating without a full year of high school in 1971. Persuading the palace took some delicacy. Sir Keith Waller, secretary of the Department of External Affairs, wrote to Critchley that Vajiralongkorn “should not be exposed to the embarrassment of failure in the February 1971 [matriculation] examinations and to commencing the Duntroon course with an inadequate educational background”. Critchley’s audience with Bhumibol on October 16, 1970, settled it: another year at Parramatta before Duntroon in 1972. “He spoke critically of the schooling in England which the Crown Prince had hated,” Critchley reported. “On the other hand the Crown Prince seemed to be settling in well in Australia and appreciated the friendliness with which he was being received.” Declassified material pertaining to the education of then Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn in Australia. Credit:National Archives of Australia Between five and seven hours a day with tutors plus private study helped. “When he first came to Australia the prince was unable to write more than five or six lines on any topic but is now able to write quite respectable essays,” Sir Keith wrote in a confidential telegram to Bangkok in late 1970. By the middle of 1971, with the aid of tutors and special attention from teachers, The King’s School was pleased with his improvement and “impeccable” behaviour. “He is not a difficult person,” one heavily edited memo says. “The problem is basically one of determination and attack.” In September he had an “excellent chance of passing” when the king wondered whether he might send Vajiralongkorn to Britain to launch a frigate being built for Thailand. Sir Keith spoke to Vajiralongkorn, who “clearly does not want to go but will of course comply with the king’s wishes. He is working very hard and although much calmer than he was last year, is suffering from very natural pre-examination tension. The possibility of a trip to England in the present atmosphere is adding to these tensions.” It was an unnecessary worry. After a phone call, the king changed his mind. Twists and turns A sprained ankle during the school holidays meant the prince's Duntroon days did not get off to a good start. The first five weeks adjusting to college routine were the most difficult, the Bangkok Post reported, as “any cadet falling short of the standards was woken up 30 minutes early and had to stand in the cold, open field with a load of about 16-20 kilograms on his back”. Whatever progress Vajiralongkorn was making was soon overshadowed by a scandal involving his older sister. The Crown Prince at Duntroon in 1972. Credit:National Archives of Australia Princess Ubolratana Mahidol, who last made international headlines when Vajiralongkorn kiboshed her attempt to become prime minister in early 2019 and who recently sided with young protesters, was studying in the US in 1972 when she ran off with a man. Academics at Chulalongkorn University were sharing stories of how the princess had asked for permission to marry a Mexican. When a diplomat refused permission, “the princess said that she was going to be married anyway”. Journalists were sharing similar stories, “except that the press understands her to be marrying a Puerto Rican”. Sir Keith shared the rumours on July 11 with the commandant of the Royal Military College, Major-General Sandy Pearson, with a word of caution that “any sort of entanglement on the part of the Crown Prince could be a major disaster”. Two weeks later, Ubolratana resigned her title to become a “common citizen”. Rumours of falling pregnant to her maths tutor at MIT, and of her mother seeking to persuade her to fly to Switzerland “either to have [an] abortion or to release baby for adoption” were reported to Canberra. A few days later they evolved again, with Queen Sirikit apparently bringing Ubolratana home from the US to have the baby privately in a southern palace. (Ubolratana married a fellow student in August 1972; the first of their three children was born more than eight years later. She did not return to Thai public life until after her divorce in 1998.) As it rocked the palace, the scandal also rattled Australia’s diplomatic ranks. “This development in the royal family will tend to focus attention on the crown prince’s activities in Australia,” charge d’affaires Leslie Gerard Sellars wrote in a confidential memo. Vajiralongkorn’s views of marriage seemed germane; the prince had recently told a reporter he would “accept whoever was chosen” as his wife. The Thai royal family in 1966 in England, from left: Prince Vajiralongkorn, Princess Sirindhorn, 11, Princess Chulabhorn, 9, Queen Sirikit, King Bhumibol and Princess Ubolratana.Credit:UPI The year ended with Vajiralongkorn returning to Bangkok for a ceremony marking the 20-year-old’s status as heir apparent. Pearson wrote to Critchley beforehand urging against making too much fuss about his progress at Duntroon. “He is obviously unsure of himself, needs others to lean on and is seeking security,” Pearson wrote. “Should the king wish to hold a ceremony in December installing him as Crown Prince, then I would suggest for the Crown Prince’s sake that it be just that and not to celebrate his passing his first year at Duntroon.” Life and death threats At 6.23pm on Thursday, July 5, 1973, a machine in Canberra spat out an urgent message: the managing editor of the Bangkok Post had heard Vajiralongkorn had been shot, "could we please have immediate advice". The reply was sent at 7.11pm: "Rumour is completely false repeat false." For the rest of the month, however, the embassy was asked one variation of the question or another: was Vajiralongkorn shot in the leg? Did a bodyguard die trying to protect him? Did the queen fly to Australia and on her return try to kill one of the men who orchestrated the attempt? While none of the above were true, new Duntroon commandant General Bob Hay discussed them with Vajiralongkorn on July 26. In a letter to Critchley the following day, in which he also reported an “acceptable level” of progress in military matters despite a weakness in topography, Hay wrote of the prince’s concerns. “It is clearly an unsettling influence and he has given some thought to the reasons behind it. There are no special security arrangements at the college … it is a pity the source of the rumours cannot be located.” The stories climaxed at the end of the month when the palace publicly denied them, and having photographs of Vajiralongkorn at Duntroon in the media did dampen some speculation. The Australian embassy said only the prince’s reappearance in Bangkok would put them to rest, and formed the view that the stories had been started to discredit one of the so-called "three tyrants" who had ruled Thailand for a decade. After a student uprising in October, with the backing of Bhumibol, military rule came to a brief end and the “three tyrants” went into exile. The Crown Prince during the graduation parade at Duntroon in 1975.Credit:Fairfax Media As Thailand underwent upheaval, the prince was deep in rugged terrain south-west of Moruya in NSW. A camp from November 5 to 28 simulated a search-and-clear operation by a battalion against a low-level insurgency. Snakes, flies and mosquitoes were the other enemies, as it was hot and dry for the first 14 days before the weather deteriorated into near-monsoon conditions. “Staff Cadet Mahidol participated quite actively, although he had some difficulty in the rough going because of ankle weakness,” Hay wrote to the palace. While Vajiralongkorn was in the bush learning the finer points of counter-revolutionary warfare, cables were flying between Canberra and Bangkok about the Crown Prince's future education. Much of what was discussed is still secret, but the upshot was Vajiralongkorn undertook a different academic course to his peers in the following two years. Radio waves Political turmoil prevented Bhumibol from visiting Australia, and appears to be the reason he interrupted his son’s study at the end of 1974. For all the correspondence between diplomats, Vajiralongkorn had received only the occasional phone call and three letters from his father during the first three years at Duntroon. In December and January, they spent a lot of time together. Vajiralongkorn was ordered home early to accompany the king on all public appearances and a tour of Thailand. Bhumibol gave his son “a strong dressing -down” before sending him back to Duntroon, but let him into a private radio monitoring post where the king listened to the army and police signals through the night. On return to Australia, Vajiralongkorn confided to his company commander that what he heard through the bank of radios left a profound impression. Sick and fatigued from travel, he was described as “generally in a state of considerable shock as a result of impressions and experiences during his visit home. He had mumbled incoherently a great deal." Australian ambassador Marshall Johnston replied that it had been the king’s intention to “draw his attention to the responsibilities of the monarch and he probably found the experience somewhat traumatic, bewildering and overwhelming”. Thailand's King Rama X is carried through the streets of Bangkok during the second day of his coronation ceremony in 2019. Credit:AP “The relationship with the king seems a rather formal and distant one,” Johnston wrote. “The prince’s relationship with his mother seems closer although it also appears to an outsider to be lacking in warmth.” Given the political ructions, Queen Sirikit was invited to attend the graduation ceremony while King Bhumibol stayed behind. The queen danced with her son at the graduation ball, as per tradition, and Vajiralongkorn received a commission as a captain in the Royal Thai Army from governor-general Sir John Kerr. His academic results were glossed over. Johnston assured the palace the graduation ceremony would not cause any embarrassment to the royal family. “It is most important that the prince should not be made to feel different or inferior or to lose face in any way. If this happened we would risk losing the tremendous goodwill we have built up here by training the prince at Duntroon. I hope, therefore, this question will be approached with imagination and flexibility.” The file peters out after the ceremony, although we know Vajiralongkorn spent much of 1976 with the SASR in Perth and his years in Australia left him better trained than most in the Thai military. For Thailand, it was also the year an ousted dictator returned from exile with Bhumibol’s blessing and student protests erupted. On October 6, 1976, police and right-wing militia shot, lynched, burnt and raped students, leaving 45 dead in a massacre that continues to haunt the country. Vajiralongkorn, called back from Australia, had landed in Bangkok only days before. Michael Ruffles is the chief sub-editor of The Sydney Morning Herald.
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  35. ya... i also use this trick. open the gap to release silent killer.
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  36. Found a new gem in northern Bangkok in Thammasat university (northern campus) An Indian food stall in the campus cafeteria Looks like any Indian food stall in Singapore or Malaysia All dishes freshly cooked Sitting Biryani meal Chicken biryani Fried tandor chicken Very nice masala tea All the above costs only $6.20
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  37. Dinner alone at my favourite Italian restaurant. Wasn't too hungry so just had it simple, a starter, a main and a nice bottle of Malbec Starter Main course Sweet sweet claw
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  38. Great breakfast at Bellinee's My $7.40 breakfast
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  39. https://asia.nikkei.com/Economy/Thailand-Q2-GDP-contracts-12.2-amid-COVID-induced-recession?utm_campaign=RN Subscriber newsletter&utm_medium=coronavirus_newsletter&utm_source=NAR Newsletter&utm_content=article link&del_type=10&pub_date=20200817130000&seq_num=4&si=44594 Thailand Q2 GDP contracts 12.2% amid COVID-induced recession Shut borders and business lockdowns hit Southeast Asia's second-largest economy The lack of foreign tourists has been a huge blow to Thailand's economy during the coronavirus pandemic. © Reuters MASAYUKI YUDA and APORNRATH PHOONPHONGPHIPHAT, Nikkei staff writersAugust 17, 2020 12:10 JST BANGKOK -- Thailand recorded the largest economic contraction in 22 years in the quarter ending June, keeping Southeast Asia's second-largest economy trapped in a coronavirus-induced recession. Gross domestic product shrank 12.2% in the second quarter compared to the same period the previous year, the Office of the National Economic and Social Development Council, the kingdom's economic planning agency, announced on Monday. It is the biggest contraction since 1998 when Thailand posted a 12.5% contraction recorded in the second quarter because of the Asian Financial Crisis. On a seasonally-adjusted quarterly basis, the economy shrank by 9.7% in the April-June period, following a 0.3% contraction in the fourth quarter of 2019 and 2.5% shrinkage in the first three months of 2020. A technical recession is defined as two consecutive quarters of negative economic growth. The kingdom closed its borders and implemented business lockdowns in an attempt to contain the COVID-19 epidemic. Shopping malls were forced to shutter for nearly two months from the end of March to the middle of May. Most restrictions have now been lifted and foreign visitors such as work-permit holders and their families are being allowed to enter. But the second quarter was when the economic impact of efforts to contain the pandemic was most vividly reflected. Exports shrank by 28.3% compared with the same period last year, as spending by nonresidents, including tourists, is counted as the export of services. Due to a landing ban on international passenger flights, the kingdom had zero tourist arrivals so, naturally, zero tourist spending, according to the Ministry of Tourism and Sports. Exports of goods were subdued as well, reflecting the global economic slowdown. Private investment fell 15.0%. Companies halted or postponed investment as fears of falling demand came true. Private consumption contracted 6.6% because of business lockdowns and a nighttime curfew, also now scrapped. The coronavirus pandemic is expected to apply prolonged and adverse pressure on the Thai economy. The Office of the National Economic and Social Development Council said it forecasts a yearly contraction of 7.3%-7.8%, with the median of down 7.5% in 2020, marking a downward revision from its previous outlook in May for GDP to shrink 5%-6% this year. The forecast this year is based on the assumption that there would be no second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Its original outlook in February was for growth of 1.5% to 2.5%. The worst year for Thai economy was in 1998, when it recorded a 7.6% contraction due to the Asian Financial Crisis. The Tourism Authority of Thailand said revenue from international visitors in 2021 under its base-case scenario could shrink to 618 billion baht ($20 billion), or about 32% of the 1.9 trillion earned in 2019. Its worst-case scenario has that revenue falling to 298 billion baht. Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha's administration has implemented major economic stimulus packages, including cash handouts to informal workers and domestic tourists. Prayuth also plucked new economic ministers from the private sector to steer the economy, replacing a faction led by Somkid Jatusripitak, a former deputy prime minister, that managed economic policy for nearly five years until mid-July. Deputy Prime Minister and Energy Minister Supattanapong Punmeechaow and Finance Minister Predee Daochai are key members of the new economic team. The two were among new ministers who took their oaths before King Maha Vajiralongkorn on Wednesday. Supattanapong was former president and CEO of PTT Global Chemical, while Predee was co-president of Kasikornbank and chairman of the Thai Bankers' Association. Salvaging the Thai economy is an urgent task for former army general Prayuth. Discontent toward the current regime, including economic underperformance, has on Sunday fueled peaceful protests initially led by students to evolve as the largest political gathering Thailand has seen since the military staged a coup in 2014. Tens of thousands of protestors called for bold reforms, including even the country's revered monarchy.
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